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Massive similarities
exist between ancient Greek and ancient Indian philosophy, and a
massive study such as Thomas McEvilley’s was needed to assemble the
materials and grapple with them. One has to applaud the scope and
ambition of the book. Naturally, anyone who undertakes an
interdisciplinary study on a grand scale risks making mistakes and
misjudgments, and McEvilley sensibly anticipates criticism (p. xxxi) –
which has not been lacking. For instance, at the lowest level, the
diacritics are appallingly slapdash, and the French accents are little
better.
However, my aim is not to criticize the book piecemeal, but rather to
respond to it constructively at a level commensurate with the scale of
its undertaking. I shall address a systemic problem that is built
into the initial assumptions.
THE MISSING DIMENSION
McEvilley argues that the similarities between Greek and Indian
philosophy are due to diffusion, i.e. to historical contacts. More
precisely, for the earlier period the choice lies between Mesopotamian
ideas spreading both east and west, and Indian ideas spreading west
via Greek-Indian encounters within the Achaemenid empire. From
Alexander to the Fall of Rome, the predominant flow was east-wards,
whether via the Greek presence in the north-west of the subcontinent,
Roman coastal trading ports, or Indian visits to the Mediterranean
world. Though not well equipped to judge them, I thought the evidence
for contact in the later period was good. However, for the earlier
period the argument neglects an alternative explanation of the
similarities, namely Indo-European common origin.
In principle, the
difference between the two modes of explanation is sharp. Since the
very notion of Indo-European comes from linguistics, let us draw on
that discipline. If a word in one Indo-European language resembles a
word in another, and the resemblance cannot be due to chance, then it
may either be because one language has borrowed the word from the
other (or both have borrowed from a third language, related or not),
or because the words descend independently from the ancestral
language. In the former case the word was once foreign to the
borrowers, in the latter it was never foreign to the speakers of
either language. In practice, the distinction may not always be easy
even for the linguistic comparativist, and usually the latter faces an
easier task than the cultural comparativist. Nevertheless, if we wish
to attribute similar philosophical ideas in Greece and India to
diffusion, we need to be sure that the explanation by common origin is
impossible. Otherwise, the similar ideas could merely be
continuations of an old idea that was current among those who spoke
the common ancestor of Greek and Sanskrit.
The
shared Indo-European background of Greece and India does receive brief
mention in the foreword (p. xxiv). The trend emphasizing this
background ‘culminated in the work of Georges Dumezil [sic] and others
who have articulated parallelisms in the social structures of
different Indo-European-speaking cultures’ (reference to Littleton
1982). By ‘social structures’ McEvilley is thinking of the varna
system in Manu, the classes in Plato’s Republic, and the social
organization of early Latin peoples. ‘But in order to account for
striking comparative details such studies must be supplemented by
postulates of historical influences.’ Neither Dumézil nor the
relevant others are cited, and the topic scarcely surfaces again.
This
treatment of the Indo-European background denatures Dumézil’s work,
reducing it to just one of its components and oversimplifying even
that. Social structure was important in the genesis of Dumézil’s
breakthrough in 1938, and it was the functions performed by the three
twice-born varṇas that led to the label ‘trifunctionalist’, which is
now attached to his work. However, for Dumézil and those working in
his tradition, the three functions form an ideology, a mental
framework which patterns many social phenomena in addition to social
structure – pantheons, rituals, legal procedures, narratives of
various types (myths, epics, pseudohistory, tales). Moreover, the
reference to social structure is itself too simple.
A decisive step forward
was taken on the day when I recognized, around 1950, that the
‘tripartite ideology’ is not necessarily accompanied, in the life of a
society, by the real tripartition of society, as in the Indian
model; that on the contrary, where it is to be found, it is possible
that it is nothing but (is no longer anything but, perhaps never was
anything but) an ideal and, at the same time, a means of analysing and
interpreting the forces that ensure the course of the world and the
life of men (Dumézil 1968: 15).
Elsewhere the same recognition is expressed in
different words. Between 1938 and about 1950, overinfluenced by the
role of the varṇas in his breakthrough, Dumézil had assumed that
manifestations of the ideology, wherever they occurred, indicated the
concurrent or earlier existence of a real division of society into
distinct functional classes; but he now saw that it was not legitimate
‘to move from the ideology to conclusions about practice, from a
philosophy to conclusions about social organization’ (1981: 338).
Thus
Dumézil’s enterprise was an effort to recognize in the available facts
the survival of the ideology or philosophy current among early
Indo-European speakers. Linguists sometimes argue about the ontology
of the starred forms they reconstruct, and Dumézil was usually
cautious in his wording, but in effect he reconstructs an
Indo-European protophilosophy. It follows that a comparative
philosopher has three options. The best is to take account of the
Indo-European common origin of Greek and Indian tradition and
incorporate the findings of the Dumézilian enterprise. Another is
explicitly to write off the enterprise, preferably by alleging serious
reasons and not simply citing ‘authorities’. The third, a compromise,
is to try and drive a wedge between the reconstructed protophilosophy
and the attested Greek and Indian philosophers. This might be
attempted by claiming that the former is not real philosophy (e.g., it
is too limited in scope or too close to myth); or that, if it is
philosophy, it does not connect historically with the attested
philosophies; or that, if such connection does exist, it is too
tenuous to account for striking similarities of detail. McEvilley
apparently espouses some form of the compromise argument, and we need
to ask how valid it is.
In
thinking about continuities and connections between early
Indo-European speakers and attested texts, a problem to be confronted
head-on is the relationship between the dating of texts and the dating
of their contents. The dating of texts (or of their stabilization
within an oral tradition) is a topic for specialists and obviously
worthwhile, albeit often intractable. But it is all too easy to slide
from this to the dating of contents. Other things being equal, one
assumes that form and contents go together, so that an earlier text
contains ideas current at an earlier period, and a later text from the
same tradition contains ideas that, in so far as they differ from the
earlier ones, were developed later. But once comparison enters the
picture, other things are seldom equal. When a later text contains an
idea or theme that is strikingly similar to one in another branch of
the same tradition, then the common origin explanation needs
consideration even if the idea is absent from the earlier texts.
The earlier absence can be explained in several ways. The idea may
have been known to the composers of the earlier text but passed over
as inappropriate to their genre, or excluded as esoteric (a
‘Mystery’); or it may have been unknown to them but known to other
social categories inhabiting the same area (e.g., unknown to priests
but known to warriors); or it may have been known within the same
social group but in another area. Thus the absence may be ascribed to
genre, social category or geography. But whatever the explanation,
ideas can bypass earlier texts to surface in later ones. Because the
motive for invoking such a bypass often comes from comparison, history
as envisaged or written by comparativists is likely to differ from
histories of the same cultures produced by non-comparativists; and
since, for the present, comparativists are few in number and most of
the history that is written is by non-comparativists, bypass phenomena
will often be ignored.
These
considerations bear directly on the a priori possibility that
an Indo-European protophilosophy lies behind both Greek and Indian
philosophizing. If particular philosophical ideas are absent from
the Vedic hymns or the Brāhmaṇas, or from Homer and Hesiod, this does
not prove that they were absent from society as it existed when those
texts were stabilized; the ideas could have bypassed the earliest
texts in one of the ways we mentioned. For instance, a variant of the
geographical explanation might envisage different waves of Indo-Aryan
speaking migrants carrying different components of the tradition, as
has been proposed for Vedic India by Asko Parpola (2004–2005: 27–28).
In the Greek case the dating of texts is usually more precise, but the
bypass problem is no less real and applies even within the tradition.
It is usually assumed that the ideas of Socrates and his pupil Plato
are later than those of the pre-Socratics, and it takes a certain
effort to set aside so deeply rooted an assumption. But although the
texts are later, the ideas need not be.
AN INDO-EUROPEAN PROTOPHILOSOPHY
Plato
is particularly relevant here because, while the mature Dumézil wrote
relatively little about Greece and even less about Greek philosophy,
he was very aware of the Indo-European heritage in the Republic.
Already in 1941 (275) he raised the possibility of Plato’s ideal city
being ‘in the strictest sense an Indo-European reminiscence’, and he
reverted to the topic several times. In 1982 (256 n.3) he talks of
the Republic as containing ‘remarkable expositions of the
tripartite ideology’. The main account is in 1968 (493–96), in a
discussion of the intelligence attributed in Ossetic folklore to the
Nart hero Batraz: Dumézil remarks that the political psychology in
play is close to the one that Plato expounds, ‘certainly on the basis
of very old trifunctional speculations’. Having summarized the
correlations between the classes in the Republic (philosopher
kings, warriors, and commoners – farmers and artisans being grouped
together), the virtues (wisdom, courage and prudence), and the metals
(gold, silver, then iron and bronze), Dumézil comments that, since
Pythagoras and no doubt before him, Greek philosophers had speculated
a lot on social tripartition; it was a concept they retained no doubt
from the Indo-European past, even if Plato in Athens could observe a
few survivals of the scheme (e.g., in the three archons) (for
fuller discussion see Bodéüs 1972).
However, Dumézil does not here or elsewhere present a precise
comparison between Plato and Indian philosophy. On the one hand he is
comparing the political psychology in Plato with that in the Caucasian
folklore (the Ossetic language belongs to the Scythian branch of
Indo-Iranian). On the other, he is saying that Plato’s philosophical
discourse about classes and virtues (and he also has in mind Plato’s
three-soul doctrine) belongs to a tradition going back to the old
Indo-European protophilosophy, or more precisely, to the application
of that philosophy to the ideal organization of society. It is the
same source that lies behind the varna doctrine, itself so central to
aspects of dharma. We are certainly dealing with continuity.
Dumézil also provides answers to the problem of ‘striking comparative
details’. In spite of the long stretches of time and space involved,
he often shows that quite small details in attested materials go back
to a common origin. Thus numerous examples can be found in his
comparison between one of the myths attached to Indra and the
pseudo-history of the third king of Rome (Dumézil 1985a, followed up
by Allen 2003). But for the moment I leave Dumézil (who died in 1986)
and take up more recent work, focusing first on the functions.
Evidence is accumulating
that three functions are not enough. Many of the hierarchized triads
that Dumézil and followers have recognized are in fact situated within
larger pentadic structures: the triad forms a coherent core, but this
core is enclosed or bracketed by one element that is hierarchically
superior and another that is inferior. The triad ‘priests, warriors,
producers’ is in many cases bracketed by the king at the top and the
serf or slave at the bottom.
To make a long story short, I think that the protophilosophy was
pentadic. For the core functions Dumézil’s definitions can stand,
except that sovereignty should be excised from the first function.
The two extremes are covered by a fourth function, defined as relating
to what is other, outside or beyond relative to the core; but the
fourth function has two aspects, one valued positively, the other
negatively. The notion of positive and negative value will cover a
variety of phenomena depending on context, but its application to king
and slave is obvious. In terms of ideology, whether or not an
individual king happens to be good or bad, he represents the society
qua totality, and is positively valued in the same sense as a whole
relative to its parts. As for the slave, however valued he may be as
an individual, in a traditional hierarchical society his status is so
devalued that he is barely part of society. In the religious domain
the equivalents of king versus slave are Creator versus Devil, or
Salvation versus Death/Destruction. In the annual cycle they are the
New Year (taken as a whole) and the Old Year or its closing phase.
A CASE STUDY: THE ELEMENTS
The
case for the pentadic schema depends primarily on the number, wide
distribution and cultural importance of the contexts to which it
relates, and on the rigor of the arguments supporting this relation.
Let us for the sake of argument assume that the schema is well founded
and ask how it might apply to Greek and Indian philosophy. Since the
schema has four functions and five slots, one obvious target is
McEvilley’s chapter on the elements (pp. 300-309): both Greece and
India recognize four elements, sometimes adding a fifth.
McEvilley’s tentative conclusions are as follows:
The
doctrine of the four elements would seem to have arisen in a single
source, perhaps in India, where the developmental sequence is
clearer than in Greece, and to have entered Greece in different
versions, partly conflated with the Doctrine of the Five Fires and
Two Paths. Some Near Eastern background, which can only be vaguely
discerned, may have been in effect. The doctrines of the fifth
elements, ākāśa and aither [sic for aithēr]
surely are cognate concepts… Most likely the Indian concept was
imported into Greece in a later phase of the same general wave of
Upaniṣadic influence which brought the transformations of [concepts
of] matter (308–9).
In the
present context a case study cannot be developed at length, but at
least I hope to show that an Indo-European ancestral doctrine offers a
rival hypothesis to diffusion.
The
four elements are essentially the same in the two traditions: fire;
air, wind or breath; water; earth. This is the standard order in
Greece (sometimes reversed), and seems to follow the order of the
functions. The standard order in India differs in that air regularly
precedes fire (as also happens in Heraclitus). For various reasons I
draw mainly on Indian or Indo-Iranian data.
Fire (agni)
provides a good starting point since in Vedic India Agni is the priest
of the gods (more precisely, its hotar). Though Agni shares
priesthood with Bṛhaspati, fire is the only element to enjoy
this status. Since the attributes of any one Vedic deity tend to be
shared with several others, passages can be cited that constitute
exceptions to almost any theological statement; but the priestly role
of Agni is such a standard feature of introductions to Vedic religion
that citing details would be pedantic. Moreover, the role makes good
sense in that it is the fire on the altar, together with the priests
around it, that links men to gods. The association between fire and
priesthood is equally clear in Zoroastrianism, with its sacred fires
entrusted to fire-priests in fire temples, so it is surely at least
Indo-Iranian. Fire is thus a strong candidate for interpretation as
first-functional (F1), provided that all the other elements can be
linked to other functions.
Air is represented in
India by wind, vāyu or vāta. Unlike Agni, Vāyu is a
minor figure both in the Vedic and later Hindu pantheons, but he has
one important role in the Mahābhārata. He fathers Bhīma, the
second of the five Pāṇḍava brothers, the one who for half a century
has been associated by comparativists with the second function (F2),
which pertains to physical force and war.
Bhīma is indeed the largest and most muscular of the brothers: he once
picks up the whole family and carries them with the speed and force of
the wind (1.136.16-19; 1.137.23). In his 1968 analysis of Bhīma
Dumézil presents Vāyu as an old Indo-Iranian war god, who has largely
bypassed the Vedas. Moreover, the association between wind and force
makes good sense – one has only to think of a hurricane. Thus, as an
element, wind is a reasonable candidate for F2.
Dumézil
himself (1973:
77; 1985a: 30; 2000: 121-138)
connects water with
the third function, for instance when writing on the Norse god Niord
and his links with the sea.
Water, whether from rain or irrigation, is essential to the fertility
of the peasant’s fields, and fertility is an important component in
the definition of this function (together with wealth, abundance,
fecundity, large number, health, sexuality…). It is of course needed
not only for the growth of plants and crops but also for the
well-being of herds (often a measure of wealth), not to mention the
health of humans. Fertility and well-being are more directly linked
to water than to wind or fire, and one need hardly mention the common
assimilation of water and semen (as when rain is viewed as heaven
inseminating earth). Water is intrinsically an excellent candidate
for F3.
As for
earth (pṛthivī), the first question is whether it stands apart
from the other elements. In mentioning that in the Atharva Veda fire,
water and air or breath (or life-force, prāṇa) are each in
different passages treated as the ultimate principles, McEvilley (p.
302) implies that earth is not. Similarly those early Greek
philosophers who derived everything from a single element made their
choice from the same triad and (as Aristotle noted) never selected
earth as an arkhē or ultimate principle. However, in general
the texts align at least the four elements, and the heterogeneity of
earth, if it exists, must be sought among its taken-for-granted
qualities or in narratives. One obvious quality is immobility – in a
traditional world view earth does not normally move, let alone spread,
blow or flow. Moreover, earth is the only element unambiguously
personified not by a god but a goddess. As regards cosmogony,
Pherecydes of Syros derived fire, breath and water from the seed of
Time, while Zeus, Time and Earth always existed (p. 306); and in epic,
both Pṛthivī and Gaia complain of being overburdened and thereby
initiate the Great War (e.g., Vielle 1996: 116).
If
earth stands apart from the other elements, is it in any way
devalued? Let us try to correlate elements (the division of matter)
and human activities (the division of labor). If the priest uses his
sacred fires for rituals, the warrior emulates the speed and force of
the wind, and the producer exploits the fertility of water, then who
relates most intimately to earth? Dumézil (e.g., 1985a: 30) combines
earth with water under the third function, implicitly relating the
element to the agriculturalist. But from a four-functional viewpoint,
a better answer is the miner or quarry worker, the blacksmith or
stone-mason. It is they who extract and use ‘the bones of the earth’,
and in the caste system they belong among the Untouchables, the F4-
component of society (Allen 2006).
As for
the fifth element, the quintessence (which can be called ether), in
Vaiśeṣika as in Aristotle, it is ‘kept carefully separate from the
others’ (McE. 525). It relates to matter so rarefied as to resemble
mere space, and it ‘is characterized by sanctity.’ Its non-appearance
in the earliest texts may reflect this very heterogeneity – it need
not have been a later addition to the four. In both traditions it
(rather than any other element) is linked with the cosmos, i.e. the
totality of things, and hence can represent F4+.
Entities representing the
two aspects of the fourth function stand apart from those representing
the core functions, and the ways in which they differ from the core
may or may not themselves differ (in addition to contrasting as
superior and inferior); but quite often representatives of the two
aspects, taken by themselves, have points in common. In this case,
ether often shares in the effective immobility of earth, and in India
at least it perhaps shares to some degree in earth’s femininity.
Ākāśa is semantically close to dyu or Dyu (Heaven), with
which Vedic pṛthivī or Pṛthivī is usually coupled; and dyu
is feminine in about twenty passages, sometimes even when personified
(Macdonell 1981: 22, 88).
This
cursory account of the elements in Greece and India can be
complemented by a glance at the Zoroastrian Bounteous or Beneficent
Immortals, the Aməša Spəntas. By the post-Gathic period these six or
seven spiritual beings came to constitute a more or less standardized
list. Each Immortal was correlated with a material entity, and among
the entities are some of the familiar elements. This theological
structure was analysed trifunctionally by Dumézil (1977: 37-51; his
tabulation in 1994: 60 is particularly neat). Replacing the Avestan
names with the English translations in Boyce (1975: 203), we can
present the analysis as follows, underlining the correlations that are
most relevant here.
Bounteous Immortal function of B.I . material
correlate of B.I.
I Good Intention
F1 bovine
II Best Righteousness
F1 fire
III Desirable Dominion
F2 metal
IV Bounteous Devotion
F3 earth
V Wholeness
F3 water
VI Life
F3 plants
Although he cites the row V correlation in his analysis of Niord,
Dumézil ignores the row II correlation when discussing Agni; but both
accord with our functional analysis of the elements. Similarly, the
Immortals in rows V-VI, Haurvatāt (or Health) and Amərətāt (or
Non-Death), have names that are similar both in morphology and
semantics; the pair are convincingly compared by Dumézil with the
twins so typical of the third function; and as we noted earlier, their
material correlates fit well with the F3 notion of fertility.
On the
other hand, row IV runs counter to the idea that earth represents F4-,
and Dumézil’s F3 interpretation has to be questioned. Since V and VI
gain their feminine gender from the abstract-forming suffix -tāt
and were probably originally male (Dumézil 1977: 45-46), Bounteous
Devotion (Spənta
Ārmaiti)
is the only Immortal who is straightforwardly female, which sets her
apart from the other Immortals and suggests comparison with Pṛthivī
and Gaia.
Moreover, when the list contains seven Immortals, it may open with
Bounteous Spirit (Spənta
Mainyu, correlating with man) and put
Bounteous Devotion last (Varenne 1981: 582b).
Spənta Mainyu is
conceptually close to and sometimes identified with Ahura Mazdā,
the sovereign Creator, so one suspects that Ahura Mazdā
and Spənta Mainyu
represent F4+, and Spənta Ārmaiti
and the Evil Spirit
(Angra Mainyu) represent F4-.
Critics of Dumézil often object that the evidence for the three
functions in the Vedas, and especially the hymns, is less plentiful
than one might expect. According to Dumézil, the typical or canonical
expression of the trifunctional pattern in the Indo-Iranian pantheon
is Mitra-Varuṇa (F1), Indra (F2), the Aśvin twins (F3), the pairing
of the first two and last two gods being reflected in the pairing of
the first two and the last two Immortals. This pattern can be found
both in the hymns (Dumézil 1977: Appendix 1) and the Brāhmaṇas, but
it cannot be said to dominate them; Agni and Soma (both of them
visible entities as well as gods) are more prominent than
Mitra-Varuṇa and the Asvins, as Dumézil recognizes (1968: 58). But
if Agni represents F1, as we have argued, Soma could represent F3.
Like Agni, Soma has a large and complicated dossier, but if Agni is
saliently a priest, Soma is saliently king of plants or herbs and lord
of waters – the same conjunction as we found for the correlates of the
paired F3 Immortals.
In
this connection one might think of the triadic classification of Vedic
ritual based on the main oblation: between offerings into the fire of
dairy products or cereals and libations of soma, one finds
paśubandha, the sacrifice of animal victims, where ‘control of the
breath [of the victim] is of paramount importance’ (McClymond 2003:
235). Since breath or life-force, like air, relates to F2, the
classification seems trifunctional. If so, it supports both the
general Dumézilian argument for the pervasive presence of the core
functions, and the link proposed here between the elements and the
four functions.
Of
course, even if one rejects their link with functions, the elements
are not unrelated entities that just happen to be juxtaposed in a
certain order. However one understands the ordering of air and fire,
the overall sequence from ether to earth is one of condensation and
descent, while its reversal implies rarefaction and ascent. Both
traditions used these unifying principles in their cosmogonic
speculations, but also in their eschatologies, when describing the
path of the reincarnating soul which dies and is reborn (McE. 41). If
the protophilosophy did indeed associate functions and elements,
perhaps it too used the association to think about changes or
transformations of macrocosm and microcosm alike.
The
above argument needs to rebut at least two counterproposals. Firstly,
the similarities might indeed be due to use of the four-functional
ideology to analyse materiality, but the application might have been
carried out independently in East and West. However, even if the old
ideology was sufficiently alive in sixth century Miletus, it is
unlikely that the results of the application within two such different
cultures would be so similar. Secondly, if the application was
made only once, but at some point in the history of the Indian
tradition, this does not rule out the east-west diffusion envisaged by
McEvilley. To answer this objection we must broaden the discussion
and return to the question of whether common origin can account for
striking similarities of detail.
SIMILARITIES
OF DETAIL
Apart
for the idea of a split fourth function, another development since the
death of Dumézil has been the idea of an early Indo-European protoepic
or protonarrative, features of which can be reconstructed by
Greek-Indian comparison (e.g., Vielle 1996). It is now hard to doubt
that a substantial epic tradition bypassed the Vedas to surface around
the turn of the eras in the Mahābhārata. Whatever may be the
scope for comparison between Greek and Vedic traditions, the scope for
comparison between the two epic traditions is immense. Such
comparisons may involve macro-structures such as the five phases of
the wars at Troy and Kurukṣetra, but they may also relate to tiny
details. One instance is the use in cognate contexts of the masculine
accusative singular of the present active participle of a verb that is
cognate in the two languages (Allen 1999: 164).
Of
course, as in philosophy, the hypothesis of diffusion raises its head,
but here too it faces numerous difficulties, which are discussed in
several of my papers. In brief, the following seem to be the main
problems. (1) The difficulty of envisaging a context for the
encounters (where, when, in what language). (2) The fact that in some
respects the Mahābhārata parallels closely not only Greek epic
but also other Indo-European traditions such as Roman pseudo-history
(Allen in press b). (3) The deep embedding of each epic within its
local religious and cultural traditions (much deeper than is usual
with folktales); neither ‘feels’ like a borrowing. (4) In
world-historical perspective, the correlational style of thinking
manifested in the Indo-European ideology (a ‘primitive
classification’) has been losing ground over the millennia, yet its
patterning effect is apparent in both epic traditions. It is easier
to suppose that it operated on a protonarrative than that it operated
twice, independently, in the two branches of the tradition.
The
more one accepts the idea of a protonarrative lying behind the epics,
the less reason there is to resist the idea of a protophilosophy, for
the two genres turn out to be much less separate than one might
anticipate. The last part of this paper introduces three
philosophical topics that can be studied at least in part via epic.
McEvilley gives plenty of attention to yoga, suggesting tentatively
that an early Mesopotamian doctrine diffused in both directions, and
that the Indian variety, after elaboration, spread back west to Greece
in the sixth century bc
(p. 287). But the network of similarities between Arjuna’s ascent to
heaven in Mahābhārata Book 3, Odysseus’ passage to Scheria in
Odyssey Book 5, and the yogin’s undertaking in Śvetāśvatara
Upaniṣad and Patañjali (Allen 1998a) suggests that the
protonarrative told of a cosmic/shamanic journey, presumably relating
to shamanic practice, that somehow fed into yoga. It is not clear at
what stage or stages the shamanic tradition underwent the
interiorization that characterizes yoga, where this occurred, or
whether it was a process that essentially occurred just once or one
that occurred in parallel in different branches of the tradition.
Even so, discussion of the shamanism-yoga complex needs to take
account of the Indo-European common origin hypothesis which, here
again, can relate to striking details. For instance, the references
to thistles and chaff in the Odyssey passage are cognate with
Patañjali’s references to thorns or cotton fibers (ibid.: 13).
If yoga is treated
repeatedly by McEvilley, Sāṃkhya, the darśana with which yoga
is traditionally paired, is virtually ignored – despite its
pervasiveness in Hindu culture (including the Mahābhārata), and
despite the various tempting comparisons with Greek thought. One such
comparison concerns the use of numbers in Sāṃkhya and Pythagoreanism,
particularly the use of five (for the Greek see, e.g., Mattéi 1996:
108-117). Arguably (Allen 1998b), in Sāṃkhya the emanational
sequence of twenty-five tattvas or principles opens with a set
consisting of Puruṣa (associated with cosmogony), the three gunas (sattva,
rajas, tamas), and ahaṃkara. The gunas, which
have been described as intelligence stuff, energy stuff and mass stuff
respectively (i.e. F1,2,3 – cf. Sergent 1995: 339), constitute
prakṛti (‘primal nature’), and the overall one-three-one
structure might recall the fragmentary text of Pherecydes cited
above. If the analysis is right, the initial pentad incorporates a
manifestation of the four functions; and the final pentad in the
sequence consists simply of the five gross elements (mahābhūtas)
– our familiar set, in the standard Indian order ending with earth.
Between the first five principles and the last five come three other
pentads – the five sense-capacities, the five action-capacities, and
the five subtle elements. These three ‘core’ pentads show a degree of
correlation: thus the first member of each is respectively hearing,
speaking, sound, while the second is feeling, grasping, touch. But
rather than pursuing the details and asking if or how these individual
principles relate to the functions, we can view the pentads as units.
The first core pentad, the buddhīndriyas, relates to the
cognitive domain, while the second (karmendriyas) relates to
action; and these domains qualify for F1 and F2 (action being a
philosophic substitute for dynamism or force). The label for the
third, tanmātras (‘only so much or little, rudimentary, trifle’
– Larson 1979: 187) suggests its lower standing, but the main reason
for taking it as F3 lies in its origin. Whereas the two sets of
indriyas emerge from ahaṃkara in its sattva mode,
the subtle elements emerge from it in its tamas (F3) mode (the
structure F1+2 versus F3 is familiar in the trifunctionalist
tradition). While the core pentads are held together by their origin
from ahaṃkara, the final pentad has a separate origin, viz.
from the subtle elements. I take it to be devalued by virtue of its
materiality, as well as its position.
In other words, Sāṃkhya
appears to manifest the four functions in at least three ways. On the
global level, the pentads themselves show the chacteristic
one-three-one hierarchy. Only the first pentad is linked with
creation, and within it we can probably recognize another but
interrupted manifestation – compare the anomalous ordering in most
lists of Bounteous Immortals. Finally, the last pentad presents the
functionally organized elements.
Since
enlightenment and related ideas are so important in both Indian and
Greek philosophies, McEvilley naturally returns to them frequently,
and one might think that here at least is a purely cognitive topic, to
which studies of epic can hardly contribute. However, if one compares
the biographies of Arjuna, Odysseus, Cúchulainn and the Buddha (Allen
in press a), in each case one finds, following a period of privation
or asceticism, some sort of breakthrough to another and better world,
whether it is conceived in terms of cosmology, poetic geography or
soteriology. Arguably, all these events are cognate and go back to a
single story in a protonarrative.
IN
CONCLUSION
More
could be said, even on the basis of comparative work already published
(e.g. on cosmic time), and it is only when the approach has been taken
further, and its limitations emerge more clearly, that we shall be
well placed to see how and where to call on the other cultural inputs
referred to by McEvilley – Egypt, Mesopotamia, Indus Valley, Dravidian
substrate. One way ahead might be to take the ideological framework,
as elucidated so far, and speculate on possible applications to
philosophical topics. For instance, one can reflect on dualisms:
F4+ The Absolute, Ultimate Being, Totality, Infinity…
F4- (the opposite) non-being, unreality, nothingness, the
infinitesimal…
Such
contrasts between the aspects of the fourth function may, somehow,
underlie the Vedantic Brahman-Ātman equation. But one can also play
with triads: the transcendent One (F4+), the realm of structure
(F1–3), meaningless multiplicity, or devalued oneness (F4-); or again
with pentads, or the ‘vertical’ scales that underlie them. This
proposal is of course only a heuristic, a way of generating ideas for
testing.
My
main aim has been to identify a gap in the problematic within which
McEvilley works – and not only McEvilley, for the gap is equally
obvious in many other writers. Practitioners of Indo-European
cultural comparativism have a vast task ahead if they are to modify
the academic landscape to the point where their contribution to
historical understanding is taken seriously across the disciplines.
The task is not only intellectual but also concerns the sociology of
academe. Anticipating opposition to his approach, McEvilley talks
briefly of ‘issues of turf’, and it is true that neither classicists
not Indologists are likely to welcome being told that certain
questions relating to their fields can only be answered by going
outside it. But I would rather end on a positive note. Those like
McEvilley who are willing to invest the time and take the risks can
enter an exciting and sparsely cultivated comparative field where,
despite the pessimists, scientific progress is possible.
Notes:
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