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The
Ancient World bequeathed remarkable cultures and, together with them,
their unique languages to posterity. Among these, perhaps the most
important are the Greek, the Roman and the Indian world, and Greek,
Latin and some of India's tongues respectively. Two disciplines are
competent to approach the languages of these cultures, as well as any
other language of any culture: philology and linguistics.
No one will deny the major importance of Greek, but in
linguistics, which will be our main concern, it is perhaps better not
to establish an evaluative scale because every language (like every
respective culture) can add some details to the whole, that others may
not. Linguistics should not be confused with grammar which is also an
important kind of engagement in language. As contrasted with the
first, a discipline developed in modern times, grammar has ancient
roots both in Greece and in Rome. In India, grammatical tradition
seems even to be one of the greatest among the spiritual achievements
of that country. But grammar, an effective aid when learning a second
language, is prescriptive and is, principally, unable to discover the
inherent systemic character of a language as well as its changing
disposition. Linguistics, on the contrary, is descriptive and its main
task is, exactly, to give explanations.
This science, however, finds itself under a double pressure:
students of other branches will readily admit - as is the personal
experience of this writer - that cultivating the field is not an easy
job, and yet, on the other hand, there are numerous self-appointed
candidates who, at times, vehemently come out in support of ideas
launched by themselves or by non-professional authors. Emphasis should
be laid on the fact that a good command of a language, and even a
native-level mastery, are not identical to the technical knowledge
necessary to understand a sophisticated system called human language.
It is not accidental that linguists try to avoid labels.
There are further reasons: think what the result would be if every
self-confident view were accepted. Patriotic enthusiasm in language
issues, indeed, is frequent. How would European feeling react if it
came to hear that some Indian scholars maintain that the primary
homeland of every important European language and civilization is to
be placed in India, or, that the "roots of every word are Sanskrit"?
What is called "traditional views about the origin of Yavanas" is not
even known either in Greece or in international scholarship. This
ignorance is not welcome but the refutation is correct.
The other way round, would Indians and others be pleased, if informed,
that in some important European countries the respective languages are
thought to be the first and best? Germans think, e.g., that their
language has marvelous possibilities in compounding words. This is
correct, yet Sanskrit may surpass it. How many of them know this? And
how would the whole community feel if they became aware that Hungarian
was even considered the unique source for - literally - all the
languages of the world, as a "linguist" advocated this cause in the
first half of the 19th century? Indeed, this has happened. But
competitions of this kind have nothing to do with unbiased
scholarship.
With regard to the remarkable variety of human languages,
two points of view are to be taken into consideration: the majority of
them can be grouped along a broader or narrower genetic relationship,
i.e. languages may have cognates. Apart from linguistic affinity,
borrowings among them are also possible. The English vocabulary is
quite rich: this is partly due to the borrowings the most important
sources for which are perhaps French, Latin, and Greek. To decide
which word is a loan-word and which is ancestral, one is supposed to
have knowledge of the respective history as well as to have recourse
to reference books like detailed monolingual or etymological
dictionaries. Between synonyms there are usually differences in
register, i.e. language style. An example of this kind is "marriage"
(a loan-word from Middle French) and "wedding" (an ancestral Germanic
word). A good knowledge of English implies the correct use of such
pairs. French, being a Neolatin language in origin, may have handed
down, again, pure Latin (learned) elements, as well as any of those
which French itself received as borrowings (e.g. Celtic words).
Orientation within so complicated relations cannot happen by
intuition. One is dependent on the linguistic aids of the languages in
question.
Coincidences or accidental similarities are always possible.
In this rich diversity, again, only methodical approach can help. It
would be curious if somebody tried to suggest that English and Korean
are related just because the word 'man' occurs in both languages with
exactly the same meaning (McMahon 1994: 5), or if somebody else would
create a lofty theory for a Hungarian case where the equivalents for
'writes', 'balm' and 'Irish' are exactly the same word. In reality, at
least two of the three are loan-words.
To decide if words or any other linguistic element is
related to an other element marked by resemblance and consequently,
whether a group of the respective languages can be united within
broader or narrower sets, a number of verifiable similarities are
needed. Systematic similarities, as a rule, refer both to the
phonological (i. e. the sound) level and to the morphological one, as
well as to other constituents, like the semantic component. It must be
underlined that in most cases the history of the respective languages,
their literary history and that of the country of their speakers can
orientate very usefully. This may be important in the case of
languages with a considerable time-depth like Greek e.g.
A couple of simple examples should elucidate all this.
Between English and German, despite the fact that native speakers are
unable to communicate without having studied each other's language,
there are numerous striking similarities like:
book
- Buch, hand - Hand, milk - Milch, son - Sohn, three - drei, six -
sechs, mother - Mutter, father - Vater, night - Nacht, and many more.
Semantics, too, is important: if book and Buch or three and drei had
different meanings, their similarity would be meaningless. But they
denote the same things. Some of these words can be analyzed further:
indeed, two of the kinship terms have a common element: fa-ther -
Va-ter, mo-ther - Mu-tter. This is the formant "-ter", sometimes
altered by orthography, found also in English bro-ther and German
Bru-der, daugh-ter and Toch-ter, respectively. Orthographic, and
slight phonological alterations can be explained. These are shared
features and regular and repeated correspondences: similarities too
numerous to let us assume that they are borrowings. And if they were,
the question should be answered, which language was the borrower and
under what conditions. The situation is even clearer with Latin and
Greek, both of them being more archaic, a feature more important when
dealing with historical data: ma-ter and pa-ter in Latin and ma-ter-
(Doric) / me-ter- (Attic) and pa-ter- in Greek. The hyphen after "ter"
indicates that the form may undergo changes or may get some other kind
of ending (think e.g. of the nominative of both words in Ancient Greek
having
long, or the vocative
having short e).
More considerations can be added: we already may have been
convinced that English and German are related (both of them are called
Germanic languages) but Latin and Greek also seem to be related. Like
mother - Mutter, father - Vater etc., we have
Lat.
mater - Greek mater/meter, Lat. pater - Greek pater, Lat. frater -
Greek phrater/phrator ('brother') etc.
which
show both similarities and - to a minor extent - differences. Both of
the latter, however, are systematic.
The words for "mother" begin, in all four languages, with
the same sound /m/ whereas the formant "-ter" undergoes slight changes
(a feature to be explained, together with the alterations in the
vowels, in the fields of English, German and Germanic linguistics
respectively). We find both words in Sanskrit: matar- and pitar-,
again with some minor differences, the explanation of which is a task
of Indo-Iranian and Indic linguistics respectively. The words for
"father" begin, both in English and German with /f/ ("v" is /f/ in
German) but with /p/ in Latin, Greek, and Indo-Iranian. This, again,
is not by chance. There are other examples for the correspondence of
the initial /p/ and /f/ like Latin piscis, English fish, German Fisch,
meaning all of them the same aquatic animal. There is no place for
more examples but the instances given prove one more feature: they
demonstrate not only that there is some kind of systematic relation
among these languages but also that English and German are closer to
each other (exactly for this reason we can comprise them in a family
called "Germanic") and more distant from Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit,
which, on the other hand, again, are closer to each other than to
either of the Germanic languages.
These examples provide us with the dimension of time:
English and German are two important languages used currently, Latin
and Greek were used in the same sense two thousand years ago. Both of
them survive. Surviving Latin is called Italian, which, though not the
same, has undeniable similarities with the first. French, Spanish,
Portuguese etc. are also surviving daughter-languages of Latin. The
similarities are even more conspicious in the case of Greek: there is
no reason to give another name to the language spoken today. It
remains 'Greek', though it is useful to speak about Ancient and Modern
Greek. If we examine the preceeding stages of English and German (the
first can be traced back until about the 8th c. A.D., the second
several centuries earlier) we find that systematic similarities are
not only existing but are even greater. In other words, they resemble
Greek and Latin, and other cognate languages available, more than they
do today. Both Greek and Latin, flourishing in Classical
Antiquity, again, have their respective past. The case of Latin is
somewhat restricted. Greek has a much longer history: the oldest
written record extant is a Mycenaean Linear B text dating from the
17th c. B.C. (i.e. about 800 years before Homer!). Again the time
factor is important. If we compare earlier dates in both languages we
see that similarities are more numerous (and consequently genetic
relations are more apparent). Thus, e.g., we find that a postpositive
"kwe" ('and') existed, like Classical Latin "-que", in Mycenaean as "-qe"
with the same meaning whereas in Classical Greek this was the enclitic
"te" ('and'). A Mycenaean example is "a-ko-so-ne-qe" (i.e. "axones-kwe",
'and axes', followed by the numeral 50 indicating the quantity). We
may remark that a very considerable number of Mycenaean Linear B words
belong to inventories. Latin "que" we find e.g. in the first line of
Vergil's Aeneid: "Arma virumque cano" ('Arms I sing and the man'), and
"te" is really frequent in Ancient Greek like "andron te theon te"
(Iliad, 1, 544) meaning 'of men (=heroes, mortals) and gods'. The
alteration between kwe and te appears systematic: cf. e.g. Latin
quinque and Greek pente (both meaning '5'). We may add Sanskrit panca
and Hindi panc which, again, appear systematic (/c/ is like "ch" in
English much). Latin quinque continues in Italian cinque, and Greek
pente appears as pende in Modern Greek. If we examined more data from
Ancient Italic and Ancient Greek dialects we would find a much richer
picture proving the relationship. We may remember now the
correspondence between Latin-Greek p and Germanic f: '5' appears as
"five" in English and "fünf"
in
German. These numerals are related though other features, being
different, need be explained: Gothic fimf and Old Saxon fif may bring
them closer. It is perhaps clear now that where written history stops
prehistory begins. But the two notions are relative: where there is
Latin linguistic prehistory e.g., still Greek written history is
effective. Greek, as a fact, has one of the longest known literary
histories.
Languages have several levels: phonological, morphological,
semantic, syntactic. To establish a genetic relationship, correlations
at least in the first three of them are needed. Greek, Latin and
Sanskrit provide us with many beautiful examples. Take the verb
'carry'. This is 'fero' in Latin, 'phero' in Ancient Greek and 'bharami'
in Sanskrit. Stems (roots) can be marked off as follows:
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fer- (deriving from "pher-", think of the actual Modern
Greek pronuntiation "fero", 'bring, carry')
pher-
bhar-
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Two of these have a quite similar past tense (a Praeteritum
Imperfectum with the Latin term):
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e-pher-on
a-bhar-am
e-pher-es
a-bhar-as
e-pher-e(t) etc. a-bhar-at etc., 'I was
carrying' etc. (see Fortson 2004: 85[5.12]).
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These
forms are "too systematic" to be labelled a borrowing. Borrowings
have, much more, an ad hoc nature.
The case of Latin is somewhat different:
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fer-e-bam
fer-e-bas
fer-e-bat etc.
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There are, as is logical, also differences. Latin, though
not unrelated, has another ending system explainable within Latin
linguistic history, and final -t in Greek (present in Latin and
Sanskrit), like in other Greek words as e.g. in leon (genitive:
leontos, 'lion'), has dropped. Consequently, the optional -n (the ny
ephelkystikon) in Greek e-pher-e(n) is posterior. On the whole, in the
examples above we find principled and repeated similarities - features
which can be explained. To sum up, we may allude to the so-called
Neogrammarian doctrine about the scientific nature of sound-laws or
rules (the original word is "Lautgesetz"), put forward in 1878. This
means that rules for sound correspondences and changes can be set up
which always function under the same circumstances. They must cover
all cases whether a few or numerous which fall within their scope to
be accounted for. (According to the systemic nature of language, these
changes may contribute to subsequent morphological changes). If any
data should violate the rule and not be explainable by reference to
some linguistic principle the rule is invalidated. Then, one of the
possibilities is that we have to deal with an intrusive element. The
case of loan-words is exactly of the kind! An example is German Pelz
('fur'). The word is "irregular" because it is a loan-word from Latin
pellicius ('[made of] leather'). The word Fell, on the contrary, is
regular as is the cognate English fell ('animal skin, hide') showing
the f-correspondence. Many textbooks explain this principle like those
by Bynon (1977: 22-23) and Trask (1996: 224-228). The first
declaration dates back to Osthoff and Brugman (1878: III-XX, mainly
XIII-XV). Osthoff and Brugman were professors of Comparative
Linguistics and of Sanskrit Philology, the first in Heidelberg, the
second in Leipzig.
Linguistics as a science, exists for more than 200 years
now. It was exactly the striking similarities between Indian and
European languages, and first of all between Sanskrit, Greek and
Latin, that gave rise to linguistic investigations after the famous
presidential address of Sir William Jones to the Royal Asiatic Society
of Bengal in 1786. Jones found that Sanskrit had a "wonderful
structure" which he compared to that of Greek. He has formulated what
is thought today to be certain: the "affinity [... may] have sprung
from some common source which perhaps no longer exists".
Today, the "common source" is labelled by the conventional term
"Indo-European". This term for the parental language, not existing any
more, was introduced by the English Th. Young in a book review in
1813. Synonymous German "indogermanisch" goes back to J. Klaproth who,
after a French wording, used this expression in a book in 1823.
One of the tasks of research remains to understand why the
Indo-Europeans lost awareness of their common ancestry after the
expansion (cf. Dumézil 1993: 188), or to investigate if they lost it
at all. Haudry thinks that perhaps they did not and cites a passage
from Aischylus' Persians which may prove the feeling of affinity
(1981: 124). Atossa, the Persian Queen Mother is speaking: "I dreamed
that two women in fair vesture, one apparelled in Persian garb, the
other in Dorian attire, appeared before mine eyes; both in stature far
more striking than are the women of our time, in beauty flawless,
sisters of the same race. As for country wherein they dwelt, to
one had been assigned by the lot the land of Hellas, to the other that
of the barbarians" (181-187).
It is "sisters of the same race" which deserves special attention. The
closest linguistic cognates of Greek are exactly the Indo-Iranian
languages. Latin may give the impression of being closer but this is
due to the fact that both Latin and Greek left a very rich and
important literary heritage having fundamentally influenced European
culture and languages and, that Latin, moreover, under Greek cultural
influence, borrowed a most considerable Greek vocabulary. Once again
the difference between ancestral (core) vocabulary and borrowings must
be underlined.
One should not forget: in 1777, nine years before Jones'
address, F.A. Wolf initiated Classical Philology. He enrolled as "Studiosus
Philologiae", and not as "Philosophiae", in Göttingen University (see
e.g. Sandys 1908, Vol. III, pp. 50-60). He became a renowned Homeric
scholar. Classical Philology and Historical Linguistics then, for many
decades to come, were considered as "allies". One is inclined to
suppose that the two dates are not fortuitous.
Together with Classical Philology, Indological Studies were, and still
often enough are, considered as constituents of a greater unity:
Classical Studies.
The achievements of both philology and linguistics, reached
during the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, are indeed amazing.
Therefore anyone having linguistic ambitions must either thoroughly
study introductory works in theorerical, historical and comparative
linguistics, special treatises like "Greek" or "Latin Linguistics"
included, or must trust himself to specialists who have done this
laborious task. Those concerned should be aware of the basic
handbooks, and etymological and other dictionaries. In the case of
Ancient Greek like those by H. Frisk (GEW) and P. Chantraine (DELG)
e.g.
, for Latin those by A. Walde - J.B. Hofmann (LEW) and A. Ernout - A.
Meillet (DELL), for Indo-Iranian and Sanskrit those by M. Mayrhofer (KEWA
and EWAia), for the English language that by C.T. Onions, to mention
just one name out of a number, and for German that by Fr. Kluge - E.
Seebold and others. The Onions dictionary, e.g., explains what
etymology is (see p. V), and, like every other serious dictionary,
gives first attestations and datings, e.g. for Latin words (see p.
VIII). For Indo-European there is the dictionary by J. Pokorny (IEW),
and the latest encyclopedia, abbreviated as EIEC; for Italian that by
G. Devoto e.g., for Modern Greek the dictionaries by N. Andriotis, K.
Dangitsis, G. Babiniotis, and the dictionary (LKN/ΛKN)
by the Institute for Modern Greek Studies in Thessaloniki, to which P.
Dorbarakis can be added, then historical grammars, and many more (Babiniotis
has two good examples for the latter: 1985 and 1998). The "Epimetro"
of the Babiniotis dictionary gives a Greek lexicographical survey from
the 16th c. until late 20th c.
Special dictionaries and handbooks give an inventory and a
survey respectively, of what already has been established in research.
Every new explanation or suggestion, without reasoned statements and
refutations of the former positions, is worthless. The present writer
thinks too, that philology and linguistics continue to be "allies".
Historical, Comparative, and Indo-European Linguistics are almost
unthinkable without (Classical) Philology (a good aid to reliable
access to literary sources), whereas traditional Philology only wins
when supported by linguistic knowledge.
As to the reception of the classics, one would readily
assume that a similar thinking is only natural in a country like
Greece, successor to a very important culture and to a unique
language. A recent volume of studies (Christidis et al. 2004) tries to
come up with this task. But things are more complicated. Issues of
heritage are combined with those of the "language question", another
heritage brought by unfavourable historical conditions: how the
relations between the classical language and the one used actually
should be. This burdens the contributions, as did and still does
everyday practice, with a perhaps superflous historical dimension.
Such "ankyloses" - to take recourse to the Greek word often heard
currently in a figurative sense - have been touched upon by Rhéa
Delveroudi on pp. 45 (Greek translation) and 95 (French original) e.g.
Similarly, the short paper by Th. Papanguélis (pp. 55-59 and 103-107
respectively), consecrated to the role of Latin in Greece, cannot
elude these "ankyloses" either: Latin language and Roman spirit, as
seen from Hellas, are a bit different than seen from a third country,
as is, similarly, Greece and Greek, on native soil. Actually
India,
equally heir to a very important linguistic and cultural past, may
have similar problems though continuity seems there to be more
organic. Discussion of all these problems should be, however, the
topic of another contribution.
References
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1992
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Ανδριώτης, Ν.Π.,
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Babiniotis,G.D.
2002
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Μπαμπινιώτης, Γ.Δ., Λεξικό της Νέας Ελληνικής Γλώσσας με σχόλια για τη
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Dictionnaire
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la
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Histoire
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DELL |
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Devoto, G.
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GEW
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Fortson IV., B.W.
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McMahon, April M.S.
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Meier-Brügger, M.
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